Information About Friendship Inhaltsverzeichnis
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Although there are many forms of friendship, some of which may vary from place to place, certain characteristics are present in many types of such bonds.
Such characteristics include affection ; kindness , love , virtue , sympathy , empathy , honesty , altruism , loyalty , generosity , forgiveness , mutual understanding and compassion , enjoyment of each other's company, trust , and the ability to be oneself, express one's feelings to others, and make mistakes without fear of judgment from the friend.
Friendship is an essential aspect of relationship building skills. The understanding of friendship in children tends to be more heavily focused on areas such as common activities, physical proximity, and shared expectations.
They gain the ability to empathize with their friends, and enjoy playing in groups. They also experience peer rejection as they move through the middle childhood years.
Establishing good friendships at a young age helps a child to be better acclimated in society later on in their life. Potential benefits of friendship include the opportunity to learn about empathy and problem solving.
Eileen Kennedy-Moore describes three key ingredients of children's friendship formation: 1 openness, 2 similarity, and 3 shared fun.
In adolescence, friendships become "more giving, sharing, frank, supportive, and spontaneous. A study performed at the University of Texas at Austin examined over 9, American adolescents to determine how their engagement in problematic behavior such as stealing, fighting, and truancy was related to their friendships.
Findings indicated that adolescents were less likely to engage in problem behavior when their friends did well in school, participated in school activities, avoided drinking, and had good mental health.
The opposite was found regarding adolescents who did engage in problematic behavior. Whether adolescents were influenced by their friends to engage in problem behavior depended on how much they were exposed to those friends, and whether they and their friendship groups "fit in" at school.
A study by researchers from Purdue University found that friendships formed during post-secondary education last longer than friendships formed earlier.
Friendship in adulthood provides companionship, affection, as well as emotional support, and contributes positively to mental well-being and improved physical health.
Adults may find it particularly difficult to maintain meaningful friendships in the workplace. Work friendships often take on a transactional feel; it is difficult to say where networking ends and real friendship begins.
The majority of adults have an average of two close friends. Older adults continue to report high levels of personal satisfaction in their friendships as they age, even as the overall number of friends tends to decline.
This satisfaction is associated with an increased ability to accomplish activities of daily living , as well as a reduced decline in cognitive abilities , decreased instances of hospitalization, and better outcomes related to rehabilitation.
Research within the past four decades has now consistently found that older adults reporting the highest levels of happiness and general well being also report strong, close ties to numerous friends.
As family responsibilities and vocational pressures lessen, friendships become more important. Among the elderly, friendships can provide links to the larger community, serve as a protective factor against depression and loneliness, and compensate for potential losses in social support previously given by family members.
Additionally, older adults in declining health who remain in contact with friends show improved psychological well-being. Children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder ADHD may have difficulty forming and maintaining friendships, due to a limited ability to build social skills through observational learning , difficulties attending to social cues , and because of the social impacts of impulsive behavior and a greater tendency to engage in behavior that may be seen as disruptive by their peers.
Certain symptoms of autism spectrum disorders can interfere with the formation of interpersonal relations, such as a preference for routine actions, resistance to change, obsession with particular interests or rituals, and a lack of social skills.
Children with autism have been found to be more likely to be close friends of one person, rather than having groups of friends. Additionally, they are more likely to be close friends of other children with some sort of a disability.
A study done by Frankel et al. Paraprofessionals, specifically one-on-one aides and classroom aides, are often placed with children with autism spectrum disorders in order to facilitate friendships and guide the child in making and maintaining substantial friendships.
Although lessons and training may help peers of children with autism, bullying is still a major concern in social situations. According to Anahad O'Connor of The New York Times , bullying is most likely to occur against children with autism spectrum disorders who have the most potential to live independently.
Such children are more at risk because they have as many of the rituals and lack of social skills as children with lower-functioning more obvious autism, but they are more likely to be mainstreamed in school, since they are on the higher-functioning less obvious end of the autism spectrum.
Children with autism have more difficulty attending to social cues , and so may not always recognize when they are being bullied. Children with Down syndrome have increased difficulty forming friendships.
They experience a language delay causing them to have a harder time playing with other children. Most children with Down syndrome may prefer to watch other students and play alongside a friend but not with them, mostly because they understand more than they can outwardly express.
In preschool years, children with Down syndrome can benefit from the classroom setting, surrounded by other children and less dependent on adult aid.
Children with this disability benefit from a variety of interactions with both adults and children. At school, ensuring an inclusive environment in the classroom can be difficult, but proximity to close friends can be crucial for social development.
Similarly, having friendships is different from being popular or having a high social status. Individuals who are not popular certainly may have close friendships, and a popular person may not have a real friendship.
The affective bond that is a component of friendship distinguishes friendship from acquaintanceship. Friendships play an important role in healthy human development and adjustment across the life span.
Friendships exist in practically every stage of development, although the form they take varies considerably with age.
Although there is no clear consensus regarding at what age children first begin to form friendships, the foundations of such friendships begin to emerge quite early.
Toddlers behave in a regular, predictable manner in their interactions with familiar peers earlier than they do with unfamiliar peers.
Within the first two years of life, children show stable preferences for certain peers over others; further, with these preferred playmates, the interaction patterns they follow differ from those with other familiar peers.
By the time children reach preschool age, the existence of true friendships is even more evident. Preschool friends have more social contact with each other, talk more with each other, and demonstrate more equality and less dominance in their interactions with each other than they do in their interactions with nonfriends.
Differences between friends and nonfriends are particularly evident in social pretend play. By preschool, children also begin to incorporate more emotional and affective functions into their friendships.
Preschool friends express more positive affect toward each other and score higher on measures of mutual liking, closeness, and loyalty than nonfriends do.
Moreover, even young children frequently become sad or lonely when a friend moves away. Friendships are not always harmonious, however, and young children may engage in conflict with their friends.
In fact, in early childhood, friends tend to engage in more conflict than nonfriends. Yet, friends also expend more effort to resolve conflict and are more successful at such resolution than are nonfriends.
Conflict resolution is frequently seen as one of the important social skills that young children develop within their earliest friendships. Additionally, friendships are not always mutual among young children.
Although the definition of friendship typically requires reciprocity , unilateral friendships, in which only one child of a pair nominates the other as a friend, are quite common in early childhood.
In fact, about half of nominated preschool friendships are unilateral. Friendships make up an important aspect of development in middle childhood, when much time is devoted to social play and social interaction skills become increasingly important.
Wright , identified five interpersonal rewards or friendship values : these are utility providing material resources or helping with tasks , stimulation suggesting new ideas or activities , ego support providing encouragement by downplaying setbacks and emphasizing successes , self-affirmation behaving in ways that reinforce a friend's valued self-characteristics and security providing a feeling of safety and unquestioned trust.
Although most authorities agree that voluntariness is the sine qua non of friendship Carrier ; Krappmann , it is important to consider what they do and do not mean by this term.
Voluntariness indicates only that friendships are nonobligatory, in other words, that they are formed by personal preference and not on the basis of external requirements or expectations.
Furthermore, once formed, they are non-obligatory in the sense that friends are much freer to choose what to do or not do with another than partners in more structured relationships.
Voluntariness does not mean that a person has either the freedom or possibility of becoming friends with virtually anyone they might choose.
Indeed, as sociologists Rebecca G. Adams and Graham Allan emphasize, both friendship choice and the specific forms of interaction that take place in friendships are affected by contextual factors, in other words, personal, circumstantial, societal, and cultural influences that can be facilitative, limiting, or some of each.
Adams and Graham's point concerning context is illustrated by comparative data on children's friendships collected in East and West Berlin prior to the breakup of the Soviet Union Little et al.
Eight- to fourteen-year-old children in the two cities were similar in their perceptions of their friendships' quality and reciprocity.
Even so, consistent with the restrictive social climate of the time, children in East Berlin reported more conflict, enjoyed fewer mutual visits and sleep-overs, and had less fun in their play.
Canadian psychologists Anna Beth Doyle and Dorothy Markiewiscz documented contextual factors in a different way, reviewing studies showing that children's friendships with other children are enhanced in both number and quality if their parents have high quality relationships between themselves and with friends outside the family.
On a broader social level, given the voluntary and preferential nature of friendship, there are cultures in which such relationships cannot thrive.
There are a few cultures, for example, where personal relationships are closely formulated in terms of status and kinship DuBois , or where speaking taboos are confining and rigidly enforced.
In such cultures, friendships are rare or nonexistent. However, as Lothar Krappmann suggests, individuals in such restrictive cultures often find ways of maintaining ties akin to friendship.
Sarah Uhl , for example, found that some women in the Andalusian region of Spain bypassed explicit prohibitions against forming friendships.
They established voluntary and personalized non-kin bonds under the guise of interaction required by their domestic chores.
In sum, friendship is a non-obligatory and personalized relationship that is embedded in a context composed of an individual's personal circumstances and social and cultural milieu.
Such contextual factors influence the number and specific kinds of friendships an individual has the opportunity and personal resources to form and maintain.
Due attention to contextual factors is, therefore, basic to a full understanding of the friendship relationship. From an adult perspective, friendship involves voluntary interaction between two persons who relate to one another on a personal and individualized basis.
As such, friendship is beyond the capacity of most children until about the age of ten or twelve. Prior to that time, however, children experience friendship in less complete but increasingly sophisticated ways, beginning with a rudimentary conception at about three years of age Howes ; Rose and Asher In , William K.
Rawlins proposed a means of categorizing children's friendships from toddlerhood through preadolescence with a classification system that has stood the test of time.
Following Robert L. Selman , Rawlins describes friends in the first phase ages three to six years as momentary physicalistic playmates.
Children respond to age-mates they meet at, for example, day care or the playground, on the basis of physical characteristics or possessions.
The children are "friends" as long as they are participating jointly in some enjoyable activity. They are often inclusive of one another and exclusive of "outsiders" when other children attempt to join them.
This exclusiveness is transitory, however, as the children often lose interest in one activity and pick up another with different partners or new "friends.
Although short in duration, these quarrels involve expressing emotions, sometimes having one's own way, and sometimes being compelled to "give in.
During this period, children start developing some of the social skills necessary for forming more enduring friendships. They begin learning, for instance, to take turns and manage their emotions.
Moreover, as they become familiar and comfortable with children they meet repeatedly, they start showing some degree of consistency in their preferred playmates.
Friendships of children from about six to nine years of age follow a pattern that Rawlins describes as opportunity and activity. The friends usually live close to one another and are of the same sex and similar in age, social status, and social maturity.
They spend most of their time together in physical activities skating, biking, sports , make-believe games related to domestic or work situations, fantasized athletic accomplishments, and "adventures" modeled after favorite fictional heroes.
Children at this age still tend to describe their friends according to physical characteristics and possessions, but sometimes think of them in more relational terms, such as showing liking and supportiveness.
Whereas they realize that different people may see and respond to the same situation in different ways, they feel that friends should share points of view.
Thus, one child is likely to see another as a friend only during times when their ideas coincide and when they like doing the same things. When they are not, they are not friends.
During the "friendship times," they exchange benefits on a tit-for-tat basis. Thus, at this stage, friendships are on-and-off relationships that are largely self-oriented and opportunistic.
Between the ages of roughly nine and twelve years, children increasingly respond to others in terms of internal characteristics attitudes, beliefs, values.
They learn to infer these characteristics by observing the ongoing acts of others, and they are aware that others can, in turn, infer internal characteristics in the same way.
With this cognitive ability, a child can "step outside" of the self and take the perspective of the other, including the perceptions the other has of her or him.
This enables them to form friendships that Rawlins labels reciprocal and equal. At this stage, children usually choose friends whose beliefs agree with their own.
Such agreement confirms the correctness of their emerging views, thereby providing what psychiatrist Harry Stack Sullivan called consensual validation.
To the degree that their perspectives differ, however, friends at this age are able to accommodate some of the differences and arrive at a shared outlook.
Although the children still tend to be self-oriented and opportunistic, they realize that their friends are equal to them in the sense of being entitled to benefits from the relationship.
Therefore, the exchange of rewards tends to be normative and reciprocal. That is, the child provides benefits when the friend has a need for them because that is what friends are supposed to do.
That friend, of course, is expected to return the benefits for the same reason. Thus, friends are people who share ideas, interests and feelings, and who provide rewards on a broadly reciprocal basis.
In the reciprocity and equality phase, then, children are on the fringes of a conception of friendship as a relatively stable relationship that transcends occasional disagreements and periods of separation.
At preadolescence about ten to fourteen years of age , children acquire the ability and inclination to respond to other children in terms of personality traits and styles nice, easy-going, mean, selfish and special interests and attitudes.
They sometimes see these characteristics as combining to make the other person uniquely admirable and attractive. This sets the stage for what Rawlins calls the period of mutuality and understanding in children's friendships.
According to Sullivan , preadolescent children experience a need for interpersonal closeness in an especially poignant way, and express this need as a strong desire to establish a same-sex "chumship.
As two children come to recognize uniquely attractive features in one another, they are likely to become "real" friends.
Such friends consider one another intrinsically worthwhile. They are loyal to one another and provide rewards, not with the expectation of reciprocation, but simply because the partner is deserving.
Preadolescent friends share common day-to-day experiences to which they often react with an intensity and immediacy that either puzzles or amuses important adults such as parents and teachers.
Therefore, chums are especially capable of providing empathy and understanding. At this stage, friendships not only build each child's self-esteem, they also provide a context for expressing and trying out personal thoughts and feelings in a free and unguarded manner.
Such freedom is possible because friendships, while close and caring, lack the socially mandated responsibilities and inequities present in many relationships, such as that between parents and children.
Thus, children approaching adolescence begin to experience friendship in its full-blown form, that is, as an enduring relationship involving voluntary interdependence and a mutual personalized interest and concern.
Through these friendships, they experience and practice empathy, altruism, unselfishness, and loyalty.
There is, however, a darker side to preadolescent friendships. Because they are intense and exclusive, they often encourage cliquishness and animosity between sets of friends.
At times, too, the friends themselves disagree, become jealous, become competitive, and have an occasional falling out. At this point, however, the partners have a conception of friendship as a relationship that usually persists in spite of episodic difficulties.
Throughout all the phases from toddlerhood through preadolescence, children are generally inclined to select friends of their own sex.
Furthermore, girls' and boys' friendships differ, on the average, in several ways. Girls' friendships, for example, are more exclusively pair-oriented whereas boys' are more group- or gang-oriented.
Girls tend to talk, "gossip," and exchange secrets more than boys, who concentrate on games, "projects," and shared activities.
These contrasts fore-shadow overall gender differences that appear in adolescence and persist through adulthood. Adolescence extends from the onset of puberty until the individual begins young adult life by entering the work force or undertaking postsecondary education.
Because of the developmental tasks characteristic of this period, the meaning and values of friendship acquired during preadolescence continue and expand Berndt Throughout this time, the typical adolescent encounters differing ideologies and values, a variety of activities to pursue or forego, and potential lifestyles to consider.
The adolescent's two-fold "task" is to discover which options can and should be committed to, and to integrate them into a personal identity.
Although parents normally remain an important source of guidance and support, part of the adolescent's struggle is to work toward independence from them.
Thus adolescents continue to rely on their parents for material support and instrumental rewards, normally respecting their ideals as sources of continuity and stability.
They are less likely, however, to see their parents as helpful in developing their views on present and future issues.
For their part, parents generally feel an obligation to socialize their adolescents "properly" and, hence, tend to be judgmental as their adolescent children explore different directions.
Therefore, close friendships, because they involve nonjudgmental yet caring equals, help the adolescent develop a sense of identity by offering "a climate of growth and self-knowledge that the family is not equipped for" Douvan and Adelson , p.
As they carry out their friendships, girls are more likely than boys to emphasize expressive rather than instrumental rewards. As in preadolescence, both girls and boys usually form friendships with members of their own sex.
Even so, cross-gender friendships are not uncommon, and most adolescents maintain careful distinctions between opposite-sex partners who are friends and those who are romantic or dating partners.
Where cross-gender friendships exist, both girls and boys find them valuable sources of information and insight about the opposite sex in a relationally neutral "safe" context.
Boys, especially, find cross-gender friendships advantageous because they provide expressive rewards that are not as readily available in their friendships with other boys.
The qualities of cross-gender friendships evident in adolescence tend to persist throughout adulthood Monsour Close friendships are possible and, in fact, common at all stages of adulthood.
Also, regardless of whether they involve women, men, or cross-gender pairs, close friendships provide benefits that are similar in kind and degree.
There are, however, circumstances at young, middle, and later adulthood that affect typical friendship patterns Adams and Blieszner ; Matthews Young adulthood starts with the individual's loosening of emotional ties with parents and family while beginning to explore stable work opportunities or pursue further education.
This development includes changes in commitments and activities, and often changes in residence.
Such changes usually disrupt the individual's network of non-kin associates, creating the opportunity, if not the necessity, of forming new friendships.
Indeed, young adults who succeed in forging new friendships report being happier, less lonely, and better adjusted than those who do not.
Individuals at this stage are relatively free of obligations and social roles e. Consequently, single young adults report more friendships, including cross-gender friendships, than adults at any other stage.
Gender differences in friendships are as much in evidence during young adulthood as at any other time. That is, women are, on average, more expressive and personally oriented in their friendships than men.
Moreover, the friendships of women are generally stronger than those of men with respect to both voluntary interdependence and the person-qua-person factor.
As in adolescence, males find that their cross-gender friendships provide expressive rewards to a greater degree than do their same-gender friendships.
With such life events as marriage, parenthood, and accelerated career development, young adulthood merges into middle adulthood.
Following marriage, both women and men report having fewer cross-gender friends. One obvious reason for this is suspicion and jealousy, but there are other factors.
Michael Monsour noted, for example, that "marriage curtails opportunities for cross-sex friendship formation because spouses spend most of their free time together rather than separately in social situations that might lead to cross-sex friendship formation" , p.
Furthermore, when people marry, they generally become more dependent on spouses and less so on friends for meeting social needs. Men especially tend to rely on female friends as confidants, but when they marry they find that their wives meet their expressive needs by becoming live-in confidants, that is, "friends.
Also during middle adulthood, men show a drop in the number and intensity of same- as well as cross-gender friendships.
This is partly because their preoccupation with career development leaves them little time to cultivate anything but superficial friendships.
In addition, men most often meet other men in work settings. Because of this, many of their potential friends are people with whom they compete for raises or advancement, or with whom they are involved either as supervisors or subordinates.
Neither of these conditions is conducive to the openness and personalized concern necessary for the development of a close friendship.
When friendships do develop between male work associates, they are likely to center around shared activities and camaraderie rather than personal self-disclosure and expressiveness.
The "friendship situation" for women in middle adulthood is complex. Prior to the arrival of children, marriage has little impact on the number, strength, or expressive character of friendships.
With the arrival of children, however, women report a decrease in the number of friendships. This is probably due to women's traditionally greater responsibility for the home and family.
The fact that many women also work outside the home further limits the time and energy they have to pursue friendships. Even so, the friendships they are able to maintain retain their expressive and highly personalized character.
Later in middle adulthood, presumably as their children become more independent, women report increasing numbers of friends. Women, like men, often form friendships in work settings.
However, they are likely to see such relationships as acquaintanceships rather than friendships. They commonly make distinctions among work friends, activity friends, and "real" friends Gouldner and Strong But what about the friendships of adults who never marry?
One often hears anecdotally that such never-marrieds cultivate more friendships and treat their friends as special "family. Rather, findings suggest that most unmarried adults increase their contact with relatives rather than forming more or different kinds of friendships.
Older adulthood, usually considered to begin when a person reaches about sixty-five years of age, is marked by two kinds of changes that affect friendships.
On the one hand, increasing health concerns, reduced mobility, and declining vigor reduce opportunities for contact with friends and the energy the individual has to devote to them.
On the other hand, retirement and reduced social and family obligations increase the free and uncommitted time the individual has to nurture existing friendships and to develop new ones.
Not surprisingly, these factors have a different impact on the friendships of older women than those of older men Field For women, the increasing flexibility of middle adulthood continues into older adulthood.
Older women are thus able to sustain established friendships and to form new ones as friends die or relocate. Throughout life, women's friendships tend to be more expressive than those of men.
In older adulthood, then, women have both the social skills and inclination to continue this pattern. Moreover, women are more likely than men to face the prospect of widowhood and to fill the relationship void by emphasizing their friendships.
Whereas widows rely on adult children, especially daughters, for material and practical support, they rely on same aged friends to meet their expressive needs and to maintain their morale.
Because men's friendships are centered mostly around work affiliations and shared activities, when men retire and curtail their activities they often lose their friendships as well.
Men are less likely than women to form new friendships to replace the ones they lose. Even so, they retain their primary source of personal and emotional support: their wives.
In the relatively rare case where a man outlives his wife, he is likely to remarry rather than seek out new friends.
With the loss of friends, however, men do lose the stimulation, fun, and camaraderie that goes along with shared interests and activities.
Therefore, men who depart from the average and maintain close same-gender friendships throughout life are likely to lead fuller and more satisfying lives in their older adult years.
Friendship is, in many respects, a "comfortable" love relationship. Friendships involve as little or as much intimacy as the partners are inclined to express at any given time.
Friends are not normally obligated to exchange benefits, but do so in ways that are often so natural as to be unwitting.
The ties that bind them are by unfettered mutual consent. In spite of its being so comfortable, in fact because of it, friendship contributes in unique ways to personal development and well-being.
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Friendship is a voluntary, close, and enduring social relationship. The behavior of friends varies greatly among societies and situations and according to personality variables.
Values about friendship vary less and can be summarized as involving closeness, solidarity, absence of ulterior ends, reciprocity, impulsiveness in mutual choice, and, perhaps, independence of social distinctions such as age, sex, and class.
Friendship is intimate but less so than love and some family ties. Supplementing sexual and familialties, friendship is a residual cultural category subsuming close and expectedly enduring ties.
Since friendship involves voluntary commitment, intimacy, and spontaneity, its consequences for the individual and for society, through individual growth and security, are presumably crucial.
Possibly for this reason, to be without friends often involves shame. Most other important social relationships exclude friendship.
Even highly compatible and close brothers are brothers rather than friends, and friendship tends to be incompatible with such relationships as those of mother and child, lovers, and employer and employee.
This incompatibility is probably due to the fact that the obligations and rights of friends typically are subject to overruling by other ties.
The impulsiveness of choice and the reciprocity or symmetry of the friendship relation also rule out various choices. If friends are impulsively chosen, few brothers will be friends.
Reciprocity and symmetry imply rough equality in mutual rights and obligations and in qualities and performances, requiring fairly equal status in significant respects between friends.
In general, friendship can be logically and culturally expected to occur only when there is a low probability of higher or strongly sanctioned obligations intervening directly between friends.
This is in contrast to close kinship terms, which are simultaneously relational and categorical, and to occupational designations, which are on the whole categorical.
Accordingly, while friendship is significant in personal terms, it is no less an interpersonal structure. It follows that variants of friendship structure may well be a characteristic of collective units.
However, empirically the matter is less clear, partly because the friendship role is vague. Friendship is a distinct institution.
In Western societies loosely the basis for the above considerations it is a vague institution, whereas in other societies friendship is often more salient and differentiated.
In either case, friendship is a low-order as well as a crosscutting institution: it is found everywhere but is not a distinct, comprehensive segment of society.
It is comparable to money, language, and love rather than to religion, the family, or the economy. Partly for this reason, friendship is not at present a specialized field of inquiry in sociology.
While few studies focus on friendship, many find it, since closeness to others is a pervasive potentiality in man.
To say that friendship is an institution is to ask the cross-cultural question: What links are there between variations in the structure of friendship and in the structure of society?
Two studies have initiated the general cross-cultural study of friendship Eisenstadt ; Cohen At the least, these studies provide a spectrum of variation in friendship institutions; at their best, they provide hypotheses or findings about the place of friendship in encompassing social structures.
All these relationships are particularistic, personal, voluntary, and fully in stitutionalized usually in ritual terms. They are both diffusely affective and instrumental, always in the economic sphere, often more broadly politics, etc.
Eisenstadt hypothesizes that these kinshiplike but voluntary relations are to be found in predominantly particularistic that is, kinshipdominated or caste-dominated societies because they alleviate strains in and between the groups that constitute such societies.
In effect, Eisenstadt proposes that ritualized personal relations, similar to friendship in Western terms in that they are voluntary and personal or intimate, are mechaisms of social integration.
They are parallel to such institutions as kinship extension, extralineage kinship obligations, various types of associations, hospitality toward strangers, and joking relation ships in providing ties cutting across groups and categories.
Ritualized personal relations are also mechanisms of social control. Yehudi A. Cohen presents a typology of friendship institutions that loosely expresses a dimension of degree of commitment between friends.
Three other somewhat separate categories are close, casual, and expedient friendships. In a sample of about sixty societies, twenty have the inalienable type of friendship as the dominant form, thirty have close friendship, three have casual friendship, and four have expedient friendship there are no data for ten societies, and some are counted twice because of structural changes.
Formalized friendship is far more frequent among men than women and is rare across sex lines. Inalienable friendship carries with it incest taboos in half the cases.
It is almost invariably joined with just one partner, who in some cases has to be chosen inside the local solidary group and in other cases outside of it; in a few societies either choice is open.
Cohen predicts covariation between type of friendship and the nature of the significant soli dary grouping to which the individual is attached.
He expects inalienable friendship to coincide with the maximally solidary community generally, localized descent groups where nuclear families and households are socially, physically, and emotionally close as a societal nucleus sharply distinguished from other groupings.
Close friendship is expected to be associated with the solidary-fissile community where solidarity is split between kinship group and community.
The nonnucleated society where isolated, solidary nuclear families are tied loosely together is expected to be associated with casual friendship.
Finally, an expedient type of friendship institution is expected to occur in individuated social structures where there is emphasis on individual amassing of wealth and relatively little solidarity even in the nuclear family.
There is an association between the degree of solidarity in the local community and the degree of commitment in the friendship institution although the number of cases in extreme types of friendship and solidarity is small.
Of 13 societies with maximally solidary communities, 11 have predominantly the inalien able type of friendship; of 35 societies with solidaryfissile communities, 27 have close friendship.
A dimension of personal generosity versus with holding seems to be the basic variable that unites community structure with friendship structure.
There is a correlation between childhood gratification versus deprivation, on the one hand, and adult food sharing versus individual amassment of food or money on the other.
For the present, it remains an open question as to how this holistic pressure can be translated into detailed questions about the operation of social arrangements.
Is inalienable friendship a more significant category than formalized friendship? Further, under what conditions, and with what effects, are intragroup and intergroup friendships mandatory or preferred?
The most crucial and stimulating question would seem to be this: Is institutionalized friendship i. This question leads to interesting problems in Western societies.
What, in various settings, is the distribution of close, casual, and expedient friendships? Is degree of differentiation of societies correlated with dominance of expedient friendships?
Is a possible dominance of expedient friendships to be contrasted with some of our values concerning friendship rather than with our past—or has there been a real change in the friendship institution over, say, the last fifty years, concomitant with industrialization and increasing differentiation?
Additional dem onstrations of the dependence of norms regulating friendship on an encompassing social structure emerge if we compare separate settings within one society rather than comparing different societies.
In a study of the merchant marine in a society where it is a significant element economically and culturally, Aubert and Arner found that the culture and the social structure of the Norwe gian merchant marine include a near taboo on personal friendships.
In outline, the occurrence and forms of friendship among the crew are reinforcing consequences of the nature of the ship as a place of work, in particular through its arrangements for interaction, physical closeness, and recruitment.
In a significant con trast, friendship is a standard occurrence among the crew in the Hull distant-water fishing fleet Tunstall ; the distant-water trawler lacks the character of the total institution that is inher ent in the Norwegian merchant vessel.
Perhaps the most penetrating study of friendship yet to appear is W. This association is marked by a strong in formal structure.
Loosely integrated gangs, con sisting of small cliques, have a clearly hierarchic structure in terms of influence and prestige. Par ticipation and acceptance in these groups are cru cial for the balance of individual personalities.
Changing and stable group structure is symboli cally expressed in interaction. The typical group ties the individual to his community in many ways; it takes membership in atypical groups to foster career ambitions beyond Cornerville.
In the first place, then, Whyte describes the social realities, of which friendship is the predominant one, for young men in Cornerville.
Second, he analyzes the interrelations of friendship and the Cornerville culture with racketeering and politics, which are intimate, as well as with traditional welfare work, which cuts itself off from the mainstream of Cor nerville life.
The kind of friendship structure that Whyte describes is, in all likelihood, unusual. Whyte described a situ ation that was unusual, arising as it did from the historical accident of a major depression in a lower-class environment of second-generation im migrants.
Several themes above have been investigated in later, more specific studies of friendship. Her exploratory study of families and their friends indicates that if a married couple is involved in a close-knit set of friends, the couple tends to have a rigid separation of roles in the household.
On the other hand, if the network of friends is loosely connected, separation of roles among husband and wife is at a minimum.
What is the nature and significance of friendship among adolescents? Parsons and White emphasize that there are two kinds of normative culture among high school students: one is rather hedonistic, characterized by much value on popularity and reluctance to accept the achievement orientation in the adult world, and the other, which is somewhat less fre quent, includes a strong commitment to mastery of this achievement orientation.
The availability of friendship cliques of either type of culture is both a sorting mechanism and a testing ground for longterm educational and career commitments.
The finding of two distinct normative cultures among adolescents, one centering on hedonism and the other, nearly as important, on scholastic achievement, is unusual.
Coleman found widely varying social climates in the ten high schools that he studied. In all of them, athletic achievement was the major basis for recruitment to the informal elite of the school; scholastic achievement was always a decidedly minor basis; the strongest position of all was held by the allrounder.
Gordon , in a case study of a Midwestern high school, found a salient structure of dominant cliques, within which close friendship might occur. Cliques centering on scholastic achievement were quite unimportant, although students showed increasing fulfillment of school expectations for scholastic achievement with each additional year in school.
Adolescent life in school was dominated by efforts to achieve a differentiated social status —that is, essentially a search for identity.
However, the detailed regulation of behavior implied in the adolescent culture is partly as in dress a symbol of autonomy relative to adult society and partly as in puritan morals an acceptance of explicit adult values.
Adolescent friendship approaches being a way of life, although a transitional one, related to love and a future family as well as to work and a future career.
Friendship is also important in careers. The theme of friendship in work has been a significant one in social science at least since the Hawthorne studies in the s.
In another setting, friendly relations among female workers were suggested as an explanatory variable behind a continuously climbing curve of productivity under varying and controlled external work conditions ibid.
The concept of an informal social structure in organizations has been with us since these studies. With respect to friendship or friendly human relations, these two findings have been duplicated over and over again, in industrial and bureaucratic settings as well as in research on problem solving in laboratory groups: friendly relations may lead to either increased or decreased productivity.
The normative basis of friendship, particularly the definitions of relations to higher authorities, is presumably one decisive differentiating variable.
The initial view of friendship given in this article is a romantic one; it is empirical in that it formulates surface values concerning friendship in our culture.
However, while it may be true that friends are culturally expected to be chosen im pulsively, it is certain that choice follows socially structured paths.
Friends tend to share social position. A sample of voters was divided into four subgroups according to whether three, two, one, or none of their best friends intended to vote for the Republican party ; among those whose friends were all intending to vote Republican, 61 per cent expressed strong intentions of voting Republican, and the percentage dropped to 37, to 23, and to 2 for the other three subgroups, respectively Berelson et al.
Two explanatory principles are needed: friends select each other on the basis of similarity, and they in fluence each other to become similar.
The system atic study of similarity and dissimilarity between friends was opened up by Lazarsfeld and Merton when they asked how selectivity comes about and how it varies for different kinds of attributes and within different kinds of social structures.
While they clarify many issues in their article for example, by distinguishing between status-homophily and value-homophily , their contribution has remained programmatic.
Similarity in attitude is one basis on which friendships are formed. Longitudinal studies e. Findings based on sociometric studies of friendship concerning other bases of choice have been summed up as follows:.
Both are exchange theories of interaction, where basic terms are costs, rewards, outcomes, and comparison levels. Research on friendship needs more concentration on the substantive contents of friendship itself.
How, in fact, are rights and obligations in friendship experienced in various social environments? What are the institutional and actual encouragements and limits to friendship in various contexts—politics, business, everyday life?
What are the major rewards and strains in friendships? Is the ambiguity of friendship a circumstance that serves to initiate as well as to terminate other kinds of relationships?
Under what conditions will friendships end? Is friendship, more often than other types of relationships, a subjectively sustained reality in the face of decreased overt inter action?
For partial answers to such questions, and for the generation of other specific and significant questions about friendship, analysis of detailed reports on the behavior and orientations of friends, acquaintances, strangers, and enemies in everyday life is required.
It would seem that such studies, which demand more descriptive patience than we now see in social science , can give a rich yield, since friendship, as a kind of cement in personality and social fabrics, is probably more strategically related to other social relationships than research has indicated so far.
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A group at the University of Virginia studied brain scans from 22 different people who were under threat of receiving small electrical shocks to either themselves, a friend, or a stranger.
Scientists discovered that the brain activity of a person in danger, versus that when a friend is, is essentially the same.
Coan relates this development to the issue of survival and similarity, which grows as you spend more time with someone.
Our goals and resources are shared. In , anthropologist Robin Dunbar of the University of Oxford extrapolated for humans the results he obtained studying primate social groups: every individual can only maintain up to significant relationships at the same time.
Will Reader, a Doctor in Psychology at Sheffield Hallam University in the UK, notes that, although the majority of friendships start outside of the internet, the web can help us to keep up relationships that previously, because of long distance and lack of time, were lost.
Although, having said that, the majority of adults only have two best friends. Seven Ways to Ruin a Friendship. A group of psychologists from the University of Pennsylvania has studied the friendship rankings offered by the social network MySpace and has concluded that value friends more that value us more.
Friendship and work can go hand in hand. Various studies have shown that having friends helps you find work and be more happy, creative, productive and competitive in the office.
In countries like India and Indonesia, some have said that their work friends understand them better than their other friends—and even their spouse.
A friendship with your boss endangers not only your bond, but also your position and credibility in the office. Sociologist Jan Yager, author of several books on the subject, warns that work friends can be very different from other friends.
Anthropologist Robin Dunbar has studied the effect that love has on friendship and the results are clear: when a new person enters into your life, he or she displaces two others in your close circle , usually a family member or a friend.
In previous studies, the specialist has calculated that we have five close friends those that we go to when we have problems. However, people in a relationship have four, counting their partner.
Love takes time away from seeing friends and this allows friendships to deteriorate, he points out. Knowing what irritates a friend can make your relationship more stable and less frustrating.
At least, this was the conclusion arrived at by Dr. The characteristics that most irritated the study subjects were skepticism, gullibility, shyness, social boldness, perfectionism and obliviousness.
Friendships are important, but especially for women. He needs someone to share his joys and sorrows.
Generally, it is only people of similar age, character and background, mentality, etc. Friends are needed for support and for sharing.
There are many different types of friendships. Most people find friends at a very young age however it is harder for others. Many movies are based off of a group of friends.
The word Friendship is also the official motto of Texas. Media related to Friends at Wikimedia Commons. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
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Namespaces Page Talk. Views Read Change Change source View history. Wikimedia Commons Wikiquote. The Simple English Wiktionary has a definition for: friend and friendship.If we are to avoid moral schizophrenia and embody this reason in our motives for action, we could not, then, act out of friendship—out of a concern for our friends for their sakes. University of Texas at Austin. Loneliness and health in older adults: A mini-review and synthesis. In fact, in early childhood, friends Wohl Allerdings to engage in more conflict than nonfriends. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, Paysafecard Nummern Nonetheless, in what follows, views will be presented roughly in order from weaker Wwwgametwist stronger accounts of intimacy. Friends are not normally obligated to exchange benefits, but do so in ways that are often so natural as to be unwitting.